Tag Archives: fraud

A Year Later, Banks May Have Started What Chevron Could Finish – Update for November 10, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

FRAUD STORM BREWING OVER 3RD CIRCUIT BANKS RULING?

A defense attorney calls it “really a potential sea change in federal sentencing,” Bloomberg Law reported last week.

Fraud170406A year ago, the 3rd Circuit held in United States v. Banks that the loss enhancement under USSG § 2B1.1(b)(1) – the linchpin of economic crimes sentencing – is limited to actual loss. Relying on the 2019 Supreme Court Kisor v. Wilkie decision, the 3rd applied the ordinary meaning of “loss” to determine that § 2B1.1 includes only what was lost because the word “intended” is only mentioned in the § 2B1.1 commentary. The Circuit held that “the loss enhancement in the Guideline’s application notes impermissibly expands the word ‘loss’ to include both intended loss and actual loss.”

Bloomberg reported that the ruling has sparked a debate on how much deference to give the Sentencing Commission’s interpretation of its own Guidelines, including the loss scale that can dramatically increase the sentencing range in fraud crimes. The Guideline suggests in the commentary using the greater of actual or intended loss when determining sentences. But the 3rd said the USSC lacked authority to expand the meaning of “loss” to include what was intended but did not happen.

“We are getting these absurd results where nonviolent criminals are getting extraordinary sentences,” one defense attorney told Bloomberg.

loss210312Bloomberg said Banks “could significantly reduce prison time for defendants in securities and commodities cases since it is difficult to figure out actual losses in those situations… It could also impact charging decisions, especially in 3rd Circuit territory, where prosecutors may think twice about devoting resources to cases with small actual losses.”

But in the year since Banks was decided, defense attorneys have had limited success using the decision outside of the 3rd Circuit. In December, an Eastern District of _ichigan court in United States v. McKinney sided with the Banks ruling in a case involving a defendant who pleaded guilty to fraud against JPMorgan Chase. The judge reasoned that she didn’t have to defer to the Sentencing Commission because the definition of loss isn’t “genuinely ambiguous.” Later, the 6th Circuit cast some shade on relying on Banks in United States v. Xiaorong You, holding in a trade secrets theft case that “Banks’s attempt to impose a one-size-fits-all definition is not persuasive” and that the Guidelines commentary is entitled to deference.

Two other circuits, the 1st and 4th Circuits, have declined to take a position. In United States v. Limbaugh, the 4th declined to apply F.R.Crim.P. 52(b) “plain error” to an “intended loss” sentence, holding that the Banks holding “is a new and fast-developing area of the law, and as of now, we do not have the kind of robust consensus in other circuits that would allow us to label as “plain” any error committed here.” The 1st Circuit did the same in United States v. Gadson.

The issue is tied up with a 1993 SCOTUS ruling in Stinson v. United States that held Guidelines commentary is authoritative unless it violates the Constitution, violates a federal statute, or is inconsistent with, or a plainly erroneous reading of, the applicable Guideline. The 4th, 6th, 9th, and 11th Circuits all agree with the 3rd’s position that the Supreme Court in Kisor v. Willkie replaced Stinson’s highly deferential standard — to guideline commentary, at least — with a less deferential one.

conspiracy160606However, some other circuit courts have taken the opposite view. The 5th Circuit is the latest, ruling in the en banc United States v. Vargas decision that while the Guidelines are silent on the treatment of conspiracies, its commentary includes them and thus subjects a defendant to increased prison time. In deferring to the commentary, the 5th held that it is bound to follow Stinson, “like night follows day.” Under Stinson, the court went on to explain, the commentary is authoritative unless it is inconsistent with, or a plainly erroneous reading of, the applicable guideline.

Some commentators believe the Supreme Court will need to decide the issue. While SCOTUS has not taken up the issue, it will address Chevron deference this term, and the outcome of that could presage, if not settle, the Banks issue.

Bloomberg Law, Wall Street Fraudsters Rush to Cut Prison Terms With New Ruling (November 1, 2023)

United States v. Banks, 55 F.4th 246 (3d Cir, Nov 30, 2022)

United States v. McKinney, 645 F. Supp. 3d 709 (E.D. Mich. 2022)

United States v. Xiaorong You, 74 F.4th 378 (6th Cir. 2023)

United States v. Limbaugh, No. 21-4449, 2023 U.S. App. LEXIS 317 (4th Cir., Jan. 6, 2023)

United States v. Gadson, 77 F.4th 16 (1st Cir. 2023)

Kisor v. Wilkie, 588 U.S. —, 139 S. Ct. 2400, 204 L. Ed. 2d 841 (2019)

Stinson v. United States, 508 U.S. 36 (1993)

United States v. Vargas77 F.3d 673 (5th Cir. 2023) (en banc)

Federalist Society, How Much Should Courts Defer to U.S. Sentencing Guidelines Commentary? (August 9, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Even the Government Gets the ‘Blues’ – Update for May 16, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

1ST CIRCUIT GIVES GOVERNMENT THE ‘VARSITY BLUES’

In a stunning reversal, the 1st Circuit last week overturned the fraud and conspiracy convictions on Wednesday of two parents found guilty of participating in the far-reaching bribery prosecution known as Operation Varsity Blues, which resulted in the convictions of dozens of wealthy parents who falsified their children’s applications and made payments to gain admission to prestigious universities from Harvard to USC.

varsityblues230516The biggest bribe I could have paid to get my kids into college would have been a Starbucks Frappuccino for the admissions counselor. But the mother of my kids is a very bright person (but for having married me many years ago), and the kids favored her, which is how I have two MBAs and a Ph.D. now for offspring. 

But some folks with a lot more star power and fatter wallets than I have children who – to put it charitably – struggled academically.  I was shocked and appalled to think that these people would use all of the resources at their disposal to get their kids into some really good colleges.  A parent doing everything in his or her power to help a son or daughter?  Who has ever heard of such a thing?

The thinking was that once admitted, the kid would flourish (or at least graduate). What harm was there in taking a slot and agreeing to pay the freight for four years of great education?

That thinking was not the government’s, however. The government argued that those admission slots were property, and that the parents’ lies that Junior was a great water polo player or Sally had a killer backhand deprived the universities in question of a valuable resource.

The issue is crucial, because I cannot commit wire or mail fraud without depriving you of some actual property.  When I helped my sister submit a photo of my parents for a newspaper piece on their 60th anniversary, I liberally applied Photoshop to clean up some of their wrinkles and gray hair.  Only fair, because I caused more than my share of them.  But it deceived the readers of the local rag into thinking that my folks looked pretty darn good for people in their mid-80s.

fraud170112I sent the picture to the paper by email.  Was it 18 USC § 1343 wire fraud?  No, because what I tricked people into giving up was just a sinking feeling that my mother and father looked better than their mother and father.  And that ‘sinking feeling’ – regardless of how much schadenfreude I may have enjoyed from thinking of all of those readers with more wrinkled parents than mine – was not “property.”

Neither is a university admission offer. The 1st Circuit agreed with the defendants, holding that the trial court’s telling the jury that such offers were “property” as a matter of law swept too broadly. “We do not say the defendants’ conduct is at all desirable,” the 1st ruled. However, “the government’s highly general argument would criminalize a wide swath of conduct. Under the government’s broad understanding of property applied to admissions slots as a class, embellishments in a kindergarten application could constitute property fraud proscribed by federal law.”

The Circuit “rejected the Government’s theories of property rights not simply because they strayed from traditional concepts of property,” but also because the theory “invited the Court to approve a sweeping expansion of federal criminal jurisdiction in the absence of a clear statement by Congress.”

But the best part of this 156-page decision was the Court’s lengthy explanation as to why the defendants – most of whom had never met each other and had no connection other than they all hired William ‘Rick’ Singer as their college admission guru – were not engaged in a conspiracy.

girlbasketball230516The court also found that the government had failed to prove that the two defendants had agreed to conspire with Rick’s other clients. “While the evidence suffices to show that [the mastermind] and his core group had a financial interest in whether children of parents other than the defendants obtained admission, no parent had any similar financial stake in how successful other children were in getting admitted through the services of the core group. [Precedent] does not permit us to conclude that the defendants’ mere awareness that [the mastermind] and the core group had other parents enrolled suffices to permit a rational juror to infer that the defendants shared the goal of advancing the success of that broader conspiracy.”

The government argued that this was the typical “spoke-and-wheel” conspiracy, where Rich was the hub and the defendants were all out on the rim.  ‘Spoke-and-wheel” conspiracies are how the government likes to roll up big drug-trafficking organizations. It has always been troubling. If I am buying pot from ‘Toker’ Tom, what I care about is that he can supply me for a given amount of money. I don’t care if he charges other people double, or gives it away to others, or smokes whatever else he has himself.  My success selling weed does not rely on the rest of Tom’s customers at all.

Rick’s deal was the same. Gamel Abdelaziz cared that Rick could get his daughter into the University of Southern California by turning her into a basketball phenom (despite the fact she didn’t make the cut for varsity in high school). Beyond that, a University official testified, she was “not an academically competitive applicant outside the athletic recruitment process,” a nice way of suggesting she might want to try the community college down the street.

wendysconspiracy230516The point is that Gamel didn’t care a whit if Rick used or did not use the same legerdemain on his other clients’ kids, or even if Rick had other clients.  It’s the Wendy’s Rule: each customer wants a perfect double bacon cheeseburger, but that customer doesn’t care whether the customer before or after got a good sandwich, or even whether he or she got a sandwich at all. Have the customers all conspired with each other and Wendy’s to possess with intent to distribute sandwiches?

Here, the Court argued that the fact that Rick has a smorgasbord of shady ways to get your kid into college – paying off college coaches to claim your kid is Angel Reese, hiring a Ph.D. to take your kid’s ACT test, endowing a chair at the university – meant that the parents weren’t part of the same conspiracy. But that’s a false dichotomy: simply define the conspiracy as being one together undeserving kids into good colleges, and the different approaches just becomes means to get the job done.

The novelty of the charges and the celebrity status of many of the defendants made Varsity Blues a high-profile case, with moguls and movie stars alike pleading guilty and doing short bids in federal prison. “Almost everybody pleaded guilty, so the government’s legal theories weren’t really tested until this case was decided,” Joshua Sharp, one of the defense attorneys, told the New York Times.

But the Court’s analysis of conspiracies may be a legacy of ‘Varsity Blues’ that benefits a lot of people who may have sold weed to college kids without ever being a college kid themselves.

United States v. Abdelaziz, Case Nos 22-1129 and -1138, 2023 U.S. App. LEXIS 11507 (1st Cir., May 10, 2023)

New York Times, Appeals Court Overturns Fraud and Conspiracy Convictions in Varsity Blues Scandal (May 10, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Government Fraud Theories Take It On The Chin – Update for May 15, 2023

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SUPREME COURT NIXES FEDERAL POLITICAL FRAUD CASES

Fraud170406Nobody likes fraud. Prior to the 1987 decision in McNally v. United States, everyone agreed that federal wire fraud and mail fraud statutes prohibited all kinds of it, including any number of intangible frauds that the Government argued were crimes even if the object of the fraud was not to deprive the government or taxpayers of money.

Honest Services Fraud:  Honest-services” fraud is fascinating stuff. Most cases prosecuted under federal mail fraud and wire fraud statutes for honest-services fraud involve public employees accepting a bribe or kickback that did not necessarily result in a financial loss for the government or taxpayer but did deprive the government of the right to receive the “honest services” of a government official or employee. In some cases, courts have ruled that the employee did not even have to hold a public position. 

The whole idea of “honest services fraud” that didn’t cost the public a dime was rejected in McNally. But Congress quickly plugged the hole with 18 USC § 1346, which defined mail and wire fraud as “include[ing] a scheme or artifice to deprive another of the intangible right of honest services.” Decades later in Skilling v US, fallout from the Enron scandal, the Supreme Court clarified that “the intangible right of honest services” in § 1346 relates to “fraudulent schemes to deprive another of honest services through bribes or kickbacks supplied by a third party who had not been deceived.” 

money170419Joe Percoco had managed former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s re-election campaign, but he was a private citizen (about to return to the governor’s office) when he called the head of a state development agency and urged him to let a real estate development go forward without the developer having to buy a “labor peace” agreement with the local unions. A day after Joe made the call, state officials reversed their decision that the developer needed to such an agreement, saving  the developer a lot more money than the $30,000 he had paid Joe. 

Joe was convicted of fraud for taking money in exchange for helping to facilitate the real estate construction project. The fraud was “depriving members of the public of the intangible right to ‘honest services’.”

In a unanimous ruling, the Supreme Court threw out Joe’s conviction, holding that the jury instructions used to convict him were too vague. 

The Supreme Court rejected the argument that a person nominally outside public employment could never have a fiduciary duty to the public to provide honest services, but it held that a jury instruction that Joe had such a duty ‘if he dominated and controlled any governmental business and people working in the government actually relied on him because of his special relationship with the government” were too vague. The justices said the instruction did not define “’the intangible right of honest services’ with sufficient definiteness that ordinary people could understand what conduct was prohibited.”

moneyhum170419The Court held that by “rejecting the Government’s argument that § 1346 should apply to cases involving ‘undisclosed self-dealing by a public official or private employee,’ the Skilling Court made clear that “the intangible right of honest services” must be defined with the clarity typical of criminal statutes and should not be held to reach an ill-defined category of circumstances simply because of a few pre-McNally decisions. The fact that Joe was influential was simply not enough to put him on notice that being hired to make a persuasive phone call was a federal crime.

Right to Control:   In the other Supreme Court criminal-law decision last week, Louis Ciminelli had steered the terms of a $750 million development project so that his company’s bid would be successful. The government could not prove that the state lost a dime over what other contractors would have bid but argued Lou had deprived the state of its “right to control” the bid process.

The Supreme Court rejected any notion that any “right to control” theory resided in the wire fraud statute. The Court expressed federalism and overcriminalization concerns in narrowing the scope of § 1343, holding that “the fraud statutes do not vest a general power in the Federal Government to enforce (its view of) integrity in broad swaths of state and local policymaking. Instead, these statutes protect property rights only. Accordingly, the Government must prove not only that wire fraud defendants engaged in deception, but also that money or property was an object of their fraud.”

Percoco v. United States, Case No 21-1158, 2023 US LEXIS 1889 (May 11, 2023)

Ciminelli v. United States, Case No 21-1170, 2023 US LEXIS 1888 (May 11, 2023)

– Thomas L. Root

Fraud Takes the Stage at Supreme Court – Update for November 28, 2022

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

SCOTUS TO HEAR TWO CRIMINAL FRAUD ARGUMENTS TODAY

Fraud170406The Supreme Court will hear arguments today on two criminal fraud cases that explore whether people who work privately for government officials owe a duty of honest services to the public under what the Wall Street Journal calls “the ill-defined honest-services fraud statute.”

In the first case, former state official Joseph Percoco was serving as campaign manager for former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo at the time he accepted a $35,000 payment from a real-estate developer to help obtain government approval for a project. The government declared him to be “functionally a public official” because he had clout with state agencies. Thus, the US Attorney said, Joe committed honest-services fraud.

Joe complained in his Supreme Court brief that the 2nd Circuit’s“functionally a public official” rule could have “sweeping implications not only for lobbyists and donors but also for the family members of public officials, who ‘hold unparalleled access and influence’ and whose ‘independent business interests may be in a position to benefit from state action,'” according to SCOTUSBlog.

ambiguity221128The federal prosecutorial approach to fraud has created confusion in lower courts for years. In the last decade, the “right of honest services” has been especially pernicious: nowhere in the statute or a definitive Supreme Court ruling is the “right of honest services” defined.  In fact (as Joe has argued), the Supreme Court’s 2010 Skilling v. United States decision and 2016 McDonnell v. United States have pretty much established that bribery laws are “concerned not with influence in the abstract, but rather with the sale of one’s official position.” Private citizens cannot take official action or use their positions to bring about government action, Joe contends, because they have no such positions. Thus, they cannot violate federal fraud laws.

In Skilling v. United States, the Supreme Court limited criminal liability for fraud to kickback and bribery schemes, but at the time three Justices – Scalia, Thomas and Kennedy – believed the law’s vagueness made it unconstitutional. Lower courts have held that public officials owe a “right of honest services” to their constituents, but the Supreme Court has never ruled that private individuals owe a fiduciary duty to the public.

Last week, the Wall Street Journal complained,

Was Mr. Percoco paid to leverage his political clout? Of course. His simultaneous employment as Cuomo’s campaign manager and a business consultant is certainly sketchy. But the government’s theory… could be used to prosecute any powerful lobbyist, including former lawmakers who don’t act in the putative public interest…This would present First Amendment concerns since citizens have the right to petition their government. It would also impair due process for private citizens who have no way of knowing if they are covered by the honest-services law.

In the second case, the government charged contractor Louis Ciminelli, a Cuomo campaign contributor, with conspiracy to commit fraud by rigging a construction contract for a state-subsidized solar panel plant. A member of a nonprofit overseeing the project drafted the proposal to favor Lou’s construction firm. There was no evidence Lou directed the proposal’s terms, nor that either the state or nonprofit suffered any loss of property as a result of Lou’s firm being chosen.

moneyhum170419But the government claimed Lou defrauded the nonprofit of its “right to control its assets” by “exposing it to the risk of economic harm through false representations about the fairness and competitiveness of the bidding process.” Prosecutors did not produce evidence linking Lou to any bribes or kickbacks. Instead, the prosecutors discussed deprivation of a “right to control”: Lou’s deception deprived the nonprofit board of its right to control the funds and the allocation process.”

As the Wall Street Journal put it, “If you’re struggling to understand the government’s convoluted theory, you’re not alone.”

SCOTUSBlog said Lou’s “main wrongdoing appears to be his ‘sneaking to the front of the line’ in the negotiation process. If the Supreme Court continues its trend of narrowing the scope of federal fraud criminalization, it can do so by eliminating the ‘right to control’ theory of fraud.”

Lou has completed his sentence, while Joe is on home confinement. A Supreme Court win won’t give them back the time they served, but their names could be cleared.

Wall Street Journal, The Supreme Court gets a Fraud Test (November 25, 2022)

SCOTUSBlog, A sharp business deal or a federal crime? Justices will review what counts as fraud in government contracting (November 25, 2022)

SCOTUSBlog, Former aide to Andrew Cuomo wants court to narrow scope of federal bribery law (November 27, 2022)

– Thomas L. Root

The Legend of Petey Candlewood – Update for April 6, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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RIPPING OFF INMATES

[Corrected on January 29, 2019, to cite that about 1,800 inmates annually receive Rule 35(b) reductions, rather than the incorrect “9,500” figure in the original post – sorry for the error]

Anyone reading what we put out often enough might get the sense that we’re no fans of long prison sentences, or – in many cases – of any prison sentences at all. But there are exceptions, and yesterday, we came across one.

snitch161004It’s a fairly well known fact that a substantial minority of federal prisoners trade information for lower sentences. We’re down with that: a defendant’s got to do what a defendant’s got to do. Most people who do this jump aboard the train early, but a few go through sentencing without cooperating, only to regret their decision when they walk through the prison doors. For them, there’s Rule 35(b).

Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 35(b) lets the government file a motion asking that a prisoner’s sentence be cut for post-sentencing cooperation. The Rule 35(b) motion is discretionary on the government’s part, and the sentencing court does not have to grant it. But it works and works well: an average of 1,800 inmates a year received  sentence reductions under Rule 35(b) between 2009 and 2014, with the average prisoner getting a 37% sentence cut.

The biggest hurdle for a prisoner seeking a Rule 35(b) sentence reduction is to have some juicy information to trade. After all, the inmate’s locked up, and there are not a lot of opportunities to come up with the kind of first-hand dirt that case agents and U.S. Attorneys like to feast on. In the last decade, inmate scuttlebutt has invented a way around that: third-party Rule 35(b)s.

winwinwinThe concept is simple: the inmate pays someone to arrange a third party on the street to come up with some good confidential information that helps the Feds bag some bad guys. The people with the information ask the U.S. Attorney to credit their information to the inmate, who gets a Rule 35(b) motion for sentence reduction. A real win-win! A bad guy’s off the street, the informant makes some money, and the inmate gets a sentence cut. What could possibly go wrong?

Lots. The sad fact is that only a very few courts have granted third-party Rule 35(b) motions, and only when stringent standards are applied. Some courts ban third-party Rule 35(b)s altogether, but the trend is to not turn down a chance for the Feds to enforce the law. The courts that approve them generally require that (1) the inmate play some role in instigating, requesting, providing, or directing the assistance; (2) the government would not have received the assistance but for the inmate’s participation; (3) the assistance is rendered for free; and (4) no other circumstances weigh against rewarding the assistance.

Fraud170406In other words, anyone planning on getting a third-party Rule 35(b) would want to be sure that he or she was personally involved in getting the person to step forward, and that the inmate can easily show that the Government wouldn’t have gotten the help without him or her. Most important, the prisoner had better be absolutely sure that the person providing the assistance is not getting paid anything for it.

So who does a third-party Rule 35(b) work for? A wife bailing out her husband, a father bailing out his son, brother helping brother… that kind of thing. It definitely does not work for a stranger being paid by an inmate to snitch on another stranger. One can only imagine the field day a defense lawyer would have with a government witness who had been paid under the table by an inmate to inform on someone else.

EasterBunny170406So a third-party Rule 35(b) cannot happen. But that technicality does not keep inmates from hoping, and where inmates hope, there’s usually someone standing there ready to take their money.

Someone like Alvin Warrick. Or maybe we should call him “Pete Candlewood,” one of the aliases he employed as he ripped off federal inmates and their families. “Pete” and his co-conspirators were indicted in federal court for their third-party Rule 35(b) scheme last fall, and a few weeks ago, they pled guilty. Having enjoyed seven rich years living off money they defrauded from inmates’ families, they now are looking forward to seven lean years (at least).

Relatives of at least 22 inmates paid “Pete” and his sidekicks something like $4.4 million, based on their vague promises to set up third-party Rule 35(b) deals. Through a Beaumont, Texas, company called Private Services, “Pete” and his girlfriend Colitha Bush (who went by “Diane Lane”) told the relatives that they “used a network of informants to make undercover drug deals and to provide information and third party cooperation in other criminal cases under the supervision of prosecutors, federal agents, and the courts.” They said that, “if successful, such deals and information would be credited to the inmate and used to secure their early release through a Rule 35 motion.”

fraud160530Private Services promised families that substantial assistance was being provided to the government on behalf of their inmate loved one. “Pete” even provided fake invoices and phony documents showing that Private Services had inked deals with U.S. Attorneys to provide assistance. In the Factual Proffer “Pete” agreed to in his plea, he admitted that he had “assured and consoled family members of federal inmates that he would work on their case and help to coordinate third party cooperation, but in truth and in fact, and as he well knew, no such work was ever done.”

In its usual celebratory press release, the Acting U.S. Attorney for South Florida fulminated, ““Sentencing reduction fraud schemes that prey on the desperation, vulnerability and trust of federal inmates and their families exploit both the victims and the justice system. The U.S. Attorney’s Office in South Florida and our federal partners across the nation will continue to target such schemes and prosecute the offenders.” While we tend to discount government pontification in criminal cases like the media discount President Trump’s tweets, we’re with him on this one.

Apparently, the FBI is still trying to find additional victims. “If you are a victim, it is critical that you reach out to us,” FBI Special Agent in Charge Perrye K. Turner is quoted as saying in the March 30th USAO press release. “This case highlights that justice is blind and underscores the FBI’s impartiality when investigating cases.”

Unsurprisingly, none of “Pete’s” inmate clients received a shorter prison term during the course of the 7-year scheme. Not a one. But the scam was mightly good to “Pete” and “Diane,” who received regular payments from the inmates’ families, which they spent on luxury cars, vacations and gambling.

scam170406“Pete” and “Diane” – along with Private Services’ treasurer (who had the sense to make a cooperation deal with the government himself rather than through Private Services) – have signed plea deals. And it’s a fair prediction the inmates’ families will never recover a dime.

Miami Herald, Conning the convicts: trio admits to ripping off South Florida inmates (Apr. 3, 2017)

United States v. Warrick, Case No. 1:17-cr-20194 (S.D. Fla.)

– Thomas L. Root

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